These are notes that I hope we can develop. We can kick them around a bit and see what happens.
Infrapolitical Deconstruction is not really a project, but it is probably better thought of as a commitment to the development of a critical dispositif, an apparatus for thought, in the sense of “a certain kind of thought,” an oriented thought. Such a development requires, 1), the furthering of the idea, 2), a process of conceptual formation, 3), a genealogy, 4), an archive. All of this is work in progress, and it will take years of labor to carry it out. In terms of 3 and 4, we also need to consider what we have called Infrapolítica 1 and Infrapolítica 2. For instance, if there is a genealogical line (postHegelianism, Nietzsche, the Marx of Capital, Heidegger, Derrida) that is common to both, it is clear that Schmitt or Althusser or Martínez Marzoa are more useful for Infrapolítica 2, whereas Levinas or Agamben may be more relevant for Infrapolítica 1. In fact, Levinas himself claims that position for his thought, clearly. Cioran is also, in a vastly different sense, more useful for Infrapolítica 1, and so are, say, Bolaño or Marías. Lacan for Infrapolítica 1. Malabou´s books on Hegel and Heidegger could be useful for both. I suspect both García Calvo and Sánchez Ferlosio will be more useful for Infrapolítica 1 as well. All of the classifications above are precarious and revisable, it is clear that there are no distinct lines. Regardless of that provisional distinction, however, we agree, more or less, or have understood, that Infrapolitical Deconstruction starts in the wake of the catastrophe of political modernity, and thinks from its ruins. It moves on two registers: a critique of politics, and an attempt to develop “existential” grounds for it: both historical and anthropological. It questions, as radically as possible, the residue of the modern age in contemporary thought, and needs a commensurate engagement with nihilism as such. It assumes the priority of the political over the economic (for instance, it assumes that capitalism is the consequence of a political development, and not the other way around), and it assumes that the ground for thought today is a history of broken hegemonies that we have no interest in reconstituting or finding a return for.